The Socialist Movement in Reading, Pennsylvania (1896–1958)

The socialist movement in Reading, Pennsylvania, from 1896 to 1958, stands as a remarkable chapter in American political history. Unlike the broader national Socialist Party of America (SPA), which struggled to gain traction, Reading’s Socialist Party carved out a stronghold, achieving significant electoral success in a predominantly Pennsylvania-German, working-class city. This article draws on Henry G. Stetler’s 1943 study, The Socialist Movement in Reading, Pennsylvania: A Study in Social Change, and other primary sources to provide a complete history and background of this movement, exploring its origins, growth, achievements, challenges, and eventual decline, with a special focus on the pivotal role of James H. Maurer.

Background: Reading’s Unique Context

Reading, founded in 1748 by Thomas and Richard Penn, was a hub of Pennsylvania-German culture, populated largely by descendants of 18th-century German immigrants. By the late 19th century, it had grown into an industrial center with a diverse economy, including textiles (notably hosiery), metal industries, and cigar-making. In 1930, over 56% of its workforce was employed in manufacturing, with a significant proportion of semi-skilled workers, particularly in textiles. The city’s population was ethnically homogeneous, with 90.3% native-born whites in 1920, and 75.2% native-born of native parentage—unusual for an industrial city of its size. Additionally, Reading boasted high homeownership rates, with 60% of families owning their homes in 1930, and relative economic stability, with low levels of extreme poverty.

This context shaped the socialist movement in paradoxical ways. One might expect socialism to thrive among a propertyless proletariat in a heterogeneous urban setting, yet Reading’s stable, native-born, home-owning working class embraced it. Stetler argues this was due to a combination of industrial conditions, labor-oriented leadership, and cultural adaptation, which allowed socialism to resonate with local values despite the city’s conservative traditions.

James Hudson Maurer: A Biography

James Hudson Maurer (April 15, 1864–March 16, 1944) was the driving force behind Reading’s socialist movement, rising to prominence as its leader despite a lack of formal education. Born on Cedar Street in Reading, Pennsylvania, to a Pennsylvania-German family, Maurer’s early life was marked by hardship. His father, a police officer, died during a smallpox epidemic when Maurer was young, plunging the family into poverty. By age nine, Maurer had less than ten months of schooling and struggled with English, having grown up speaking Pennsylvania Dutch. His size and lack of literacy posed challenges in school, where he faced bullying as a “Dutch Bush Kid,” forcing him to fight his way through childhood.

Below: James Hudson Maurer.

The Panic of 1873 exacerbated the family’s struggles, with six mouths to feed on a $35 monthly income. At ten, Maurer began working, searching for jobs across Reading. Rejected by relatives, he eventually found refuge with his Aunt Betsy and Uncle Hen at the Red Run Hotel, where he was embraced as family. Returning to Reading, Maurer took a job at a hardware plant at eleven, drilling holes in pulleys for $1 a week for 55 hours of labor. Over two and a half years, his wages barely increased, and mechanization later cut his earnings further, sparking his awareness of labor exploitation. At a wool-hat manufacturer, he earned $2.10 weekly, using spare change to buy gifts for his mother, Sarah, whom he honored by naming his homemade sled after her.

Below: Birthplace of James Hudson Maurer on Cedar Street in Reading PA. 

Maurer’s experiences with child labor, low wages, and workplace sabotage fueled his commitment to workers’ rights. In the 1880s, he joined the Knights of Labor, immersing himself in union activities. As a cigar-maker, he became a leader in Reading’s labor movement, serving as president of the Pennsylvania State Federation of Labor for 16 years. Despite his limited education—never completing elementary school—Maurer was a self-taught intellectual, reading widely and honing his oratory skills. His charisma and authenticity made him a “born leader,” as described by Darlington Hoopes Sr., capable of captivating audiences with forceful, persuasive speeches.

Politically, Maurer gravitated toward socialism, joining the Socialist Party in Reading upon its formation in 1901. He became its head, organizing tirelessly and leading campaigns that transformed Reading into a socialist stronghold. Elected to the Pennsylvania State House in 1910, 1914, and 1916, he championed workmen’s compensation and other reforms. As a city councilman in 1927, he helped secure a socialist majority government. Nationally, Maurer represented Reading as the SPA’s vice-presidential candidate in 1928 and 1932, and he lobbied at the White House at least four times—three times with President Woodrow Wilson and once with President Warren Harding in 1921—on issues like labor rights and opposition to war. His autobiography, It Can Be Done (1938), reflects his belief in socialism as a path to justice, shaped by a life of struggle and resilience.

Maurer’s lack of formal education never hindered his leadership; instead, it grounded his advocacy in lived experience, making him a relatable figure to Reading’s working class. His determination to fight for labor rights and clean governance defined the socialist movement’s ethos, leaving an indelible mark on the city’s history.

Origins: The Seeds of Socialism (1896–1900)

The socialist movement in Reading emerged in the late 19th century amid growing labor unrest and dissatisfaction with the two major parties—Democrats and Republicans. Before the Socialist Party’s formal establishment, Reading saw activity from reformist groups like the People’s (Populist) Party, the Greenback Party, Henry George’s Single Tax Club, and the Socialist Labor Party. These groups laid the groundwork for class-oriented political action, particularly among trade unionists.

In 1901, the Socialist Party of Reading was formed, receiving its charter from the SPA in 1902. Early socialists were primarily skilled and semi-skilled workers, especially cigar-makers, ironworkers, and building trades unionists. The cigar-makers’ union was particularly influential, providing leaders like Maurer, who, as head of the movement, gave it direction and momentum. In 1904, the party purchased an old factory, renovated it with union labor, and established the Labor Lyceum—a headquarters that included a library and meeting spaces. This physical space symbolized the party’s commitment to community and education, fostering a sense of solidarity among members.

Growth and Electoral Success (1900–1936)

The Reading Socialist Party’s growth was marked by steady organizational efforts and electoral victories, distinguishing it from the national SPA’s limited success. Stetler notes that the party’s strength stemmed from its ability to build a class-oriented movement without fully realizing socialist principles, instead focusing on practical reforms that appealed to local workers.

Early Victories (1900–1917)

The party began fielding candidates in the early 1900s, gaining traction by addressing local issues like municipal corruption and labor conditions. In 1910, Maurer was elected to the Pennsylvania State House of Representatives, a significant milestone. The following year, socialists won seats on the city council, including two select councilmen and three common councilmen. Maurer was re-elected in 1914 and 1916, advocating for progressive measures like workmen’s compensation, which passed in 1915.

The party’s opposition to U.S. entry into World War I was a defining moment, though it damaged its reputation locally. On January 25, 1916, a Socialist Party delegation, including Maurer, met with President Woodrow Wilson at the White House to lobby against involvement. In a striking moment captured in a photograph—Maurer on the left, Socialist Party leader Morris Hillquit in the center, and Congressman Meyer London of New York on the right—Maurer boldly told Wilson, “The trouble with you, Mr. President, is that you are surrounded by capitalist interests who profit by a continuation of the war, and when we are gone those elements will remain with you.” This meeting was one of at least four White House visits Maurer made, three with Wilson and one with President Warren Harding in 1921, reflecting his national stature as a socialist advocate. However, the anti-war stance led to accusations of unpatriotism, costing the party support during the war years.

Below: On January 25, 1916, a delegation from the Socialist Party met with President Woodrow Wilson at the White House to urge him to keep the United States out of World War I. Pictured at the meeting are James H. Maurer of Reading, Pennsylvania (left), Socialist Party leader Morris Hillquit (center), and Congressman Meyer London of New York (right).

The Golden Era (1927–1935)

The 1920s marked the peak of Reading’s socialist movement, driven by strategic campaigning and charismatic leadership. In 1927, the Socialist Party achieved its first major local victory when J. Henry Stump was elected mayor of Reading, joined by James H. Maurer and another Socialist on city council. That same year, the party also secured two school board seats and the office of city controller, marking a sweeping win across key municipal positions. This was significant, as Reading became one of the few cities with a majority socialist government. The campaign capitalized on public discontent with property assessments, positioning socialists as champions of working-class homeowners. In 1929, the party gained full control of the city council, adding two more council seats, and two school directorships—a rare feat for a third party in the U.S.

Below: 1927 Election Results. 

The party’s 1935 election was its most stunning triumph, with Stump regaining the mayorship after a defeat in 1931, capturing three council seats, city treasurer, controller, three school board seats, a county commissioner position, and two county prison inspectorships. This landslide showcased the party’s organizational prowess and voter appeal.

Below: Pictured here are (left to right): William C. Hoverter, Jesse George, Mayor J. Henry Stump; George W. Snyder, and James H. Maurer (1930).

Key Factors in Success

Several factors contributed to the party’s success, but Maurer’s role was paramount:

1. Leadership: Maurer’s charisma and organizing skills were pivotal. As head of the movement despite his lack of formal education, he was a persuasive speaker who inspired loyalty. Described as a “born leader” by Hoopes, his ability to connect with workers through shared experiences elevated the party’s profile. Without Maurer’s leadership and determination, the Socialist Party in Reading would not have become so popular or achieved so much. Stump, while personable, relied on Maurer’s dynamism to drive campaigns.
2. Labor Alliance: The party was deeply tied to organized labor, with 85% of its candidates drawn from skilled, semi-skilled, or unskilled workers, compared to the professional and managerial backgrounds of Democratic and Republican candidates. The cigar-makers’ union, led by Maurer, provided leadership and grassroots support.
3. Local Issues: Unlike the national SPA’s ideological debates, Reading’s socialists campaigned on “bread-and-butter” issues like property taxes, municipal debt, and government efficiency. Their 1925 campaign against municipal bonds, though unsuccessful electorally, swayed voters to reject bond issues, building momentum for 1927.
4. Community Engagement: The party fostered a sense of community through events and spaces that strengthened its base. The Labor Lyceum served as a hub for meetings and education, while large-scale picnics drew up to 20,000 attendees in election years. A notable venue was Willow Glen Park in Sinking Spring, still called “Socialist Park” by some Berks County old-timers. Leased by the Socialist Party in 1929 for picnics, it was purchased in January 1930 by investors and incorporated as the Willow Glen Park Association. The 20-acre park, situated along Cacoosing Creek, featured a baseball diamond, dance floor (later a roller skating rink in the 1960s and 1970s), kitchen, dining room, vaudeville platform, and a sizable picnic pavilion built later. The party held six annual picnics there, hosting local, state, national, and occasionally international speakers, making it a vibrant recreational and political space for socialists and civic groups alike. The Berks County Women’s Political Committee played a crucial role in fundraising and organizing these events, though women faced marginalization within the party.
   
5. Cultural Adaptation: The party tailored its message to Pennsylvania-German values, emphasizing thrift, hard work, and fairness, which resonated with the native-born working class.

Achievements in Governance

Reading’s socialist administrations (1927–1931, 1935–1939, and Stump’s later term in 1943–1947) prioritized municipal reform over radical socialism, earning praise as some of the city’s best governments. Stetler emphasizes that these administrations operated within the constraints of American political and economic systems, achieving practical improvements rather than systemic change.

First Administration (1927–1931)

• City Hall Renovation: Addressing the dilapidated old city hall, the socialists purchased and renovated a former high school for $510,000, using funds from a previously approved bond issue. This cost-saving measure contrasted with the Democrats’ inaction.
• Property Assessments: The party adjusted property assessments to ease the tax burden on working-class homeowners, though this sparked backlash from the business community.
• Municipal Services: Socialists abolished the contract system for street cleaning and garbage collection, establishing permanent municipal employees. They extended the sewage system, rebuilt the disposal plant to stop raw sewage dumping into the Schuylkill River, and created a central purchasing department for efficiency.
• Social Programs: They built playgrounds and recreation centers, including one funded privately by Mr. and Mrs. Stump, and separated adult and juvenile offenders in the justice system.

Second Administration (1935–1939)

• Infrastructure: With federal funding, the administration completed the Reading Municipal Airport in 1939, along with an administration building and low-cost housing for 400 families.
• Zoning Ordinance: A land utilization survey led to Reading’s first zoning ordinance, addressing a long-standing gap in urban planning.
• Education: Socialist school directors advocated for vocational education, equal opportunity, and fiscal responsibility, opposing militaristic programs and special contributions that burdened taxpayers.

Third Administration (1943–1947)

• Stump’s final term focused on post-war recovery, maintaining the party’s commitment to efficient governance, though it lacked the broader socialist agenda of earlier years due to the party’s decline.

Maurer himself noted that these achievements were not socialism but “a necessary preparation for socialism,” emphasizing clean governance as a foundation for broader change. The focus on efficiency and fairness won public support, with many older Readingites later recalling these administrations as the city’s finest.

Challenges and Decline (1936–1958)

Despite its successes, the socialist movement faced internal and external pressures that led to its decline by the late 1930s, with only Stump’s 1943 victory as a later outlier.

External Challenges

1. Opposition from Major Parties: The Democratic and Republican parties, alarmed by socialist gains, formed “fusion” tickets in 1917, 1931, and 1933 to defeat socialist candidates. These alliances capitalized on the socialists’ vulnerabilities, such as their anti-war stance and economic policies during crises.
2. The Great Depression: When the Depression hit, Mayor Stump’s refusal to fund relief through tax increases—prioritizing working-class homeowners—allowed opponents to portray his administration as callous. Private fundraising efforts fell short, and Stump directed residents to county aid, weakening his position. The 1931 fusion victory ousted the socialists, though Stump rebounded in 1935.
3. The New Deal: Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal programs, including public works and financial reforms, appealed to the socialist base. Norman Thomas and local leaders like Hoopes noted that the Democratic Party siphoned off younger voters, reducing the SPA’s relevance.

Internal Strife

The most significant blow came from infighting within the SPA and its Reading branch. By 1936, tensions between the “Old Guard” (led by Maurer and Stump) and the “militant” faction, which leaned toward communist principles, erupted. The militants, including women like Clara Mosteller, felt marginalized, particularly due to sexism within the party. Women were underrepresented in leadership, with most confined to the Women’s Committee, fostering resentment.

The conflict culminated in a schism after the 1936 SPA national convention. The Old Guard, expelled for “constitutional irregularities,” formed the Social Democratic Federation, endorsing Roosevelt and splitting from the SPA. Locally, militants like Charles Sands and Fred Merkel accused the Old Guard of oligarchic control, publishing pamphlets like Rule or Ruin. The battle over assets like the Labor Advocate and Socialist Park further fractured the party.

This infighting alienated members, particularly women, many of whom joined the Democratic Party by 1940. The party’s 1938 municipal election loss marked the end of its dominance, with Stump’s 1943 mayoral win driven by personal popularity rather than party strength.

Final Years

By 1958, the Socialist Party appeared on Reading ballots for the last time. Membership dwindled to about 25 by 1965, meeting in Darlington Hoopes Sr.’s law office and hosting a public speakers’ forum. The Labor Lyceum was razed for urban renewal, and Willow Glen Park, known as Socialist Park, was sold, marking the end of a key community asset. The party sought to dissolve, distributing its $75,000 in assets. Nationally, the SPA ceased to exist by 1972, splintering into Social Democrats, USA, and other groups.

Legacy and Lessons

The Reading socialist movement left a lasting legacy. It established enduring municipal institutions like the central purchasing department, abolished contract systems for city services, and laid the groundwork for zoning ordinances. Former socialist George M. Rhodes represented the area in Congress, reflecting the movement’s influence. The party’s focus on clean governance and working-class issues earned it a reputation as Reading’s best administration within living memory.

The movement’s history offers lessons for contemporary political organizing:

1. Local Relevance: Reading’s socialists succeeded by addressing immediate concerns like taxes and municipal efficiency, not abstract ideology. Modern movements must similarly prioritize local issues.
2. Community Building: Events, spaces like the Labor Lyceum and Socialist Park, and women’s contributions fostered solidarity. Inclusive community engagement remains vital for sustaining movements.
3. Adaptability: Stump’s inflexibility during the Depression highlights the need for adaptability in crises. Future movements must balance principles with pragmatic responses to disruptions like climate change.
4. Inclusivity: The party’s sexist and racially exclusive tendencies fueled its fracture. Embracing diverse identities strengthens movements and prevents alienation.
5. Unity: Infighting destroyed the party’s momentum. Cohesive leadership and conflict resolution are essential for long-term success.

Conclusion

The socialist movement in Reading, Pennsylvania, from 1896 to 1958, was a unique experiment in American politics. Rooted in a labor-oriented, Pennsylvania-German community, it achieved remarkable electoral success through strategic organizing, charismatic leadership—especially James H. Maurer’s—and a focus on local issues. While it never realized full socialism, its reforms improved governance and left a proud legacy, including community spaces like Socialist Park. However, external opposition, economic crises, and internal divisions led to its decline, with Stump’s 1943 victory as its final echo. The story of Reading’s socialists reminds us that even in unlikely places, transformative movements can take hold—but sustaining them requires adaptability, inclusivity, and unity.